Nancy Grace Roman, NASA Chief of Astronomy and "Mother of Hubble" for Ada Lovelace Day

Nancy Grace Roman, linocut, 11" x 14" on Japanese paper by Ele Willoughby, 2026

 

It is once again Ada Lovelace Day, the 17th annual international day of blogging to celebrate the 

Ada, Countess Lovelace, 3rd edition linocut by Ele Willoughby 

achievements of women in technology, science and math, Ada Lovelace Day 2026 (ALD26). I'm sure you'll all recall, Ada, brilliant proto-software engineer, daughter of absentee father, the mad, bad, and dangerous to know, Lord Byron, she was able to describe and conceptualize software for Charles Babbage's computing engine, before the concepts of software, hardware, or even Babbage's own machine existed! She foresaw that computers would be useful for more than mere number-crunching. For this she is rightly recognized as visionary - at least by those of us who know who she was. She figured out how to compute Bernouilli numbers with a Babbage analytical engine. Tragically, she died at only 36. Today, in Ada's name, people around the world are blogging.

You can find my previous Ada Lovelace Day posts here.

This is a hand-carved and hand-printed lino block print portrait of trail-blazing astronomer Nancy Grace Roman (1925-2018), NASA's first chief of astronomy throughout the 1960s and 1970s, who helped shape NASA's space astronomy program. Nicknamed the "mother of Hubble" for her role in planning the revolutionary Hubble Space Telescope, she was active in science communication and an advocate for women in science throughout her career. Recently, the Wide Field Infrared Survey Telescope was renamed the Nancy Grace Roman Space Telescope in recognition of her enduring contributions to astronomy, and launched August 30, 2026. 

Born in Nashville, Nancy came by her love of school and science honestly from her music teacher mother Georgia Frances Smith Roman and physicist and mathematician father Irwin Roman. Her father got an oil industry geophysics job and moved the family to Oklahoma when Nancy was only 3 months old. His job also brought them to Texas, New Jersey, Michigan (where the dark night skies allowed her mother to show her the constellations and northern lights), and, when he joined the Civil Service as a geophysicist in 1936, to Nevada. The frequent moves meant that Nancy had to repeatedly work on her own to catch up with her new class and curriculum and that she did not have a lot of chance to make close friends. The next year, when Nancy was about 12, her father was hired as Senior Geophysicist at the Baltimore office of the U.S. Geological Survey, and Nancy started an astronomy club with her classmates so they could learn the constellations. By the 7th grade, she knew she would be an astronomer. She completed an accelerated program at Western High School in Baltimore, graduating in only 3 years. She never had a telescope but read every book on astronomy in the Baltimore library. As a girl, her science interests were not encouraged; when she requested a second year of algebra instead of taking Latin, her guidance counsellor "looked down her nose at me and sneered, 'What kind of lady would take mathematics instead of Latin?' That was the sort of reception I got most of the way”, Nancy recalled. But because the US entered the war, Nancy got the chance to substitute a summer of chemistry for her senior year of high school and started college early. 

 

Nancy went to Swarthmore, where she said of the dean of women "if you insisted on majoring in science or engineering, she wouldn't have anything more to do with you" but she did refer her to the astronomy department. The chair Peter van de Kamp tried to discourage her from this path but did teach her astronomy. She was able to work with two previously defunct student telescopes which gave her a feel for instruments and instrumentation and let her have "the fun of playing around with observing techniques." In her second year she began working at Swarthmore's Sproul Observatory processing astronomical photographic plates. Van de Kamp gave her a solo lecture on astrometry, which studies the precise positions and movements of celestial bodies and was his field of expertise. He suggested she learn about professional astronomy from the astronomical library. She recalls the only encouragement she got was from the Physics Department head who said, "I usually try to discourage girls from going into physics, but I think maybe you might make it." When she graduated in February 1946, Van de Kamp recommended she pursue graduate studies at the University of Chicago, which was rebuilding its astronomy department after the war. 

By March she was enrolled and finding classes easier than those at Swarthmore, so she asked three professors, Otto Struve, George van Biesbroeck, and William Wilson Morgan, for extra projects to help her decide what she would like to focus on for her thesis. Biesbroeck asked her to solve the orbit of a double-star. Struve gave her a couple of interesting stellar spectra to analyse. Morgan's observational project using a 12 inch (30 cm) telescope expanded into her thesis. The first time she meet her supervisor Morgan he asked her to go to his house and change the bed because his wife was sick, a task he would never have asked a male student. Surprised and flummoxed, she acquiesced. Professors complained about teaching women whom they assumed would quit to get married. Morgan was not encouraging and at one point did not even speak to her to say hello for six months. Nevertheless, she got the guidance Morgan neglected to offer from visiting scientists Bengt Stromgren and Adriaan Blaauw and she succeeded in completing her doctorate on the Ursa Major Moving Group in 1949. The stars in Ursa Major featured in my portrait, are bright remnants of a now scattered cluster; she found 200 stars that had left the Dipper at the same time, and knowing their distances from geometry she was able to determine their actual intrinsic brightnesses. This was an improvement on getting intrinsic brightness from their spectra. The night before her defence, Morgan who typically worked late, insisted on meeting her at midnight and "decided to use it as an occasion for petting"; she moved his hand several times and tried to continue their conversation. Mercifully he did not try this again. Since the disinterested Morgan was unable to tell other faculty how her research was going, they had assumed she wasn't working and were surprised when she had no trouble defending her thesis. While in graduate school she also began a life-long association with the American Association of University Women (AAUW). 

She spent two months at Warner and Swasey Observatory, in Cleveland, before agreeing to be Morgan's research associate at Yerkes Observatory in Williams Bay, Wisconsin. During her six years there she was able to visit the University of Chicago's McDonald Observatory in Texas for four months every year. When the position ended she was employed as an instructor and then assistant professor. As was typical at the time her salary was less than two thirds of a similarly qualified male. Department Chair and Nobel laureate Subramanyan Chandrasekhar (whom had certainly been subject of racial discrimination, but unable to recognize sexual discrimination) told her, "We don't discriminate against women - we can just get them for less." She made a study of naked-eye visible stars and noticed that the proportion of elements heavier than helium (that astronomers call metals) varied; those with stronger metal lines moved in more circular orbits closer to the galactic centre and plane of the Milky Way, and those with weaker lines moved more elliptically and further away. Younger stars are made from the expelled nuclear remnants of exploded stars that had built up heavier metals over their lifetime and then gone nova. So younger stars are more metal-rich. Older, redder, less metal-rich stars had slower, more elliptical and inclined orbits than the bluer metal-rich younger stars moving in circular orbits and sticking close to the galactic plane as they form. This gave some of the first clues about the formation of the Galaxy. Her 1950 paper was selected as one of most important 100 papers of the century in Astrophysical Journal. She then looked at star colours and spectra and found that since more of the metal lines are in the violet and UV, stars with weaker metals were slightly bluer in the UV than their colours in the red would suggest. This "UV excess" proved an easier way to distinguish the metallicity of stars and is still a useful tool. I allude to this work and later research in the stellar spectrum (at the blue end) illustrated on her shirt in my portrait. These she considered her two most important discoveries. Morgan tried to take credit for her work, though he had not been involved. Her research was very impactful and amongst the most highly-cited papers of the time, including, in 1950, three top-100 papers in a single year, with over 3,000 citations. But she was dubious of her ability to get a tenure as a woman, at an institution which could support her research. She turned down positions at Wayne State University and the University of Southern California, because they could not offer access to astronomical instrumentation she needed. She was able to use a new astrometry device for measuring photographic plates at the Argonne National Laboratory, but Yerkes would not acquire one. Likewise when she argued in 1954, they should acquire a digital computer for data analysis, still novel at the time, the department chair Chandrasekhar declared computers not useful for this purpose! While studying stars at different Galactic latitudes during her visit to the David Dunlap Observatory in Toronto she noted one which was not sun-like as expected. She thought she must have made an error and so she checked it again when she returned to Yerkes.  She had discovered that the emission spectrum of the star AG Draconis had completely changed from earlier observations. She called it a stroke of luck; this star is only in this altered state 2 to 3% of the time. This observation raised her profile. She published her new "spectral types, photoelectric magnitudes and colors, and spectroscopic parallaxes for about 600 high-velocity stars," in 1955 as part of the Astrophysical Journal Supplement Series. She also published on the detection of exoplanets. 

She met a Scottish postdoc and fell in love. Since it would have been a challenge to find two astronomy positions in the same place, she considered giving up astronomy to marry, but their relationship did not work out. His fellowship required him to go to a commonwealth country and he found a position in Australia. They wrote regularly for a few years but it was not to be. A couple of years later she was surprised by a proposal of marriage from a man with whom she had not spent a great deal of time alone; she considered it seriously but turned him down. They remained friends until he died.

Knowing the university had never appointed a woman to the academic staff she decided to move on. Morgan wanted her to stay and deliberately did not inform her of job openings but another faculty member, Gerard Kuiper had recommended to her a position and the Naval Research Laboratories in the new field of radio astronomy. She enjoyed teaching but did not want to only be a teacher, so decided government science might be her best bet. She moved to Washington, D.C. and remained there for the rest of her life. She found women were better tolerated, and better paid in government science. She spent three years at NRL, where she worked on radio astronomy, using radio astronomy for geodesy, the propagation of sound in water, and became head of the microwave spectroscopy section of the radio astronomy program. She mapped the Milky Way at 440 MHz. She also consulted on the Project Vanguard satellite program, which introduced her to space astronomy. Because of her observation of the unexpected spectra of AG Draconis, she was invited to speak in Armenia, then part of the Soviet Union, in 1956 for the dedication of the Byurakan Observatory, making her the first civilian to visit since the Cold War. NRL leaders were very interested and this and it lead to higher profile and a series of invitations to give astronomy lectures back home. Most of the science section at NASA came from NRL, so they knew Roman. She attended a talk at the newly-formed NASA by Harold Urey, where Jack Clark asked her if knew anyone interested in starting a space astronomy program there; she took that as an invitation to apply. She was offered the job, and accepted in 1959 even though she suspected a management position would mean giving up research because "the chance to start with a clean slate to map out a program that I thought would influence astronomy for fifty years was more than I could resist." 

Dr. Nancy Grace Roman is shown with a model of the Orbiting Solar Observatory (OSO) in 1962 (NASA)

She found her time at NRL had taught her how to work with engineers and translate between the engineers and scientists, which proved very useful at NASA. In the beginning there was no bureaucracy and plenty of funding. She recalled asking the grant office about a certain idea and being told, "Don't ask me what you ca do. Tell me what you want to do. It is up to be to find a way." She was put in charge of the Orbiting Solar Observatories (both the OSO 1 satellite in the top left and a model of the Advanced Orbiting Solar Observatory or AOSO in her hand are part of my portrait), worked on the first gamma-ray telescope, as well as their existing work on geodesy and relativity. As early as 1959 she suggested a space telescope could be used for exoplanet detection, and even suggested a technique employing a rotated coronagraphic mask to block the direct light from stars to resolve bodies which might otherwise been obscured by the glare, as was ultimately used by the Hubble Space Telescope and will soon be used by the Nancy Grace Roman Space Telescope. In 1960, she was made the first Chief of Astronomy in NASA's Office of Space Science, and the first woman to hold a NASA executive position. She gave lectures to introduce astronomers to the program and to meet with astronomers to find out what they wanted to research from space. As surprising as it may be today, astronomers were initially skeptical of what NASA could do for their field. She decided that NASA should manage major astronomy projects to benefit the wider scientific community rather than individual projects by scientists. She wrote in 1960, "A fundamental part of all of these plans is the participation of the entire astronomical community. NASA will act as a coordinating agency to enable astronomers to obtain the basic observations they need from outer space." Until peer-review was introduced in 1970, Roman alone judged the merit of all proposals and distributed the science budget. She lead the orbiting astronomical observatories program. The learning curve was steep. The first in a series of optical and ultraviolet telescopes was four years behind schedule and failed three days after reaching orbit in 1966. The OAO-2 launched in 1968 was the first successful space telescope and the OAO-3 Copernicus was very successful from 1972-1981. NASA learned that unforeseen technical problems were inevitable and that it was wise to keep launch dates classified. She oversaw astronomical satellites Uhuru (1970), the gamma-ray telescope Small Astronomy Satellite 2 (1972), x-ray telescope Small Astronomy Satellite 3 (1975), geodetic satellites, the Astronomy Rocket Program, the Scout Probe to measure the relativistic gravity redshift, and experiments on Spacelab, Gemini, Apollo and Skylab. She set up NASA’s scientific ballooning program and the airborne astronomy program starting with a 12 inch (30 cm) telescope on a Learjet in 1968 and the Kuiper Airborne Observatory with a 36 inch (91 cm) telescope on Lockheed C-141A Starlifter jet. She was skeptical it would pass review, but the Cosmic Background Explorer mission began during her tenure, and its results lead to the 2006 Nobel Prize for its leading scientists, as did the Infrared Astronomy Satellite, overseen by Nancy Boggess. She was most proud of the International Ultraviolet Explorer. She fought to collaborate internationally with the UK’s Science and Engineering Research Council and the European Space Agency saying, "IUE was an uphill fight. I don't mean I didn't have some support, but I think I carried it on almost single handedly.” 

Henrietta Swan Leavitt, 9.5" x 12.5" linocut by Ele Willoughby, 2010 

She is most famous for her last major program, the Large Space Telescope which has since been named the Hubble Space Telescope. Though quick to share credit with her many colleagues, Nancy Grace Roman was known as the “mother of Hubble.” Getting above the atmosphere avoids the distortions it causes and allows astronomers to observe a much wider range of frequencies (which otherwise would be filtered out by the atmosphere). A large mirror is required to collect enough light from dim and distant objects. First proposed in 1946 by Lyman Spitzer, the possibility of a 3 m space telescope became more feasible in the 60s with the development of the Saturn V rocket. Roman chose to focus first on the small telescopes of OAO as proof-of-concept for the deployment and remote operation of space telescopes. Some astronomers argued for a moon-based telescope but Roman felt logistics, including the lunar dust were insurmountable. Colleagues from NASA’s Langley Research Center argued for space telescopes with human operators, but Roman considered that absurdly complicated. People need atmospheres to breathe, and the atmosphere was precisely what they were hoping to avoid. But with the success of the OAO she began lecturing on the possibility of a large space telescope. In 1969 NASA commissioned a report from the National Science Foundation which endorsed the idea. With astronomer Charles Robert O'Dell, hired in 1972 to be the Project Scientist, she was the driving force behind the project and developed the standard process by which NASA operates large astronomical projects. She set up the Space Telescope Science Institute (STScI) to run mission science operations. As the design process continued engineers requested a smaller mirror for technical reasons; Roman argued for a 2.4 m minimum size in order to accurately resolve Cepheid Variables in Virgo. Edwin Hubble had shown that the speed at which distant galaxies recede was proportional to distance, but the proportionality constant was not well determined. Henrietta Swan Leavitt had shown that luminosity of the class of stars called Cepheid Variables was a function of their period of variation. This let astronomers calibrate their distance in the Milky Way, and so if they could resolve these stars in Virgo, they could determine its distance. After convincing NASA and the astronomical community she next tackled policy makers, writing testimony for Congress throughout the 1970s to continue to justify the telescope and convince them to fund it. She invested in detector technology and served on the selection board for Hubble’s science operations. She argued that for the price of a trip to the movies every American would have 15 years of exciting discoveries, to justify the large price tag. Costs ultimately ran much higher, but the Hubble Space Telescope more than doubled this lifespan. Goddard wanted control of the STScI and Hubble science operations but Nancy sided with the astronomical community that it should be their hands; this nearly cost her job and lead to her retirement. 

Roman, posing here in 1966 with a model of the observatory that would become the Hubble Space Telescope (NASA)

She took early retirement in 1979 so she could care for her elderly mother (until her death in 1992), but remained as a consultant for a year while selection of the STScI continued. Interested in programming she audited a FORTRAN course and became a consultant for ORI, Inc. from 1980 to 1988, supporting research on geodesy and astronomical catalogues. 

Hubble was scheduled to be flown on the Space Shuttle flight after Challenger; then the Challenger disaster lead to a three year delay. NASA chose to redesign payloads for robotic deployment but Hubble was too far along in its design. It was quite lucky that it could be serviced by the Space Shuttle, which allowed its initial mirror problem to be fixed and later for instruments to be sporadically upgraded, greatly increasing its abilities and lifetime. 

This in turn lead to her becoming head of the Astronomical Data Center NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center in 1995 and working with contractors supporting it until 1997. She spent three years training K-12 science teachers including those for underserved districts and spent ten years recording astronomy textbooks for Reading for the Blind and Dyslexic until her mid-eighties. In 1962 she was awarded with the Federal Women's Award (introduced in 1961 when they realized that the major awards for civil servants were restricted to men) by John F. Kennedy, and was selected as one of Life Magazine's 100 Most Important Young People. She received four honorary doctorates (including one from Swarthmore), NASA's Exceptional Scientific Achievement Award (1969), NASA's Outstanding Scientific Leadership Award (1978), the American Astronomical Society's William Randolf Lovelace II Award and Asteroid 2516 was named in her honour.  She was frequently recognized for her achievements and her support for women in STEM, but described her 2017 inclusion in the LEGO Women of NASA set as “by far the most fun.” She died in 2018 after a long illness.

References
 Nancy Grace Roman, Wikipedia, accessed October 2, 2026

Dr. Nancy Grace Roman (1925-2018), NASA website https://science.nasa.gov/people/nancy-roman/, accessed October 4, 2026

Hyman, Randall. How Vera Rubin and Nancy Grace Roman Transformed Astronomy. Astronomy.com, November 30, 2022. 

Roman, Nancy Grace. Nancy Grace Roman and the Dawn of Space Astronomy, Annu. Rev. Astron. Atrophy's., 2019, 57: 1-34.

See also: Nancy Grace Roman, The Mother of Hubble - Media Resources, Scientific Visualization Studio, NASA

Elisabeth Koopmann-Hevelius Set Her Sight on Being an Astronomer

Elisabeth Koopmann-Hevelius, linocut print 11" x 14" by Ele Willoughby, 2026

For the 11th #PrinterSolstice2526 prompt angle, I've made a portrait of astronomer Elisabeth Koopman Hevelius using (sextant or ) an octant, literally measuring angles to astronomical bodies. 

One of the earliest recorded women astronomers, Elisabeth Catherina Koopmann-Hevelius (Elżbieta Heweliusz, 1647-1693) was born to a wealthy, land-holding, Dutch Lutheran, merchant Nicolas Koopman (1601-1672) and his wife Joanna Mennings (or Mennix; 1602-1676) in the largely German-speaking city of Danzig, then part of the Pomeranian Vovoidship of Royal Prussia in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, part of the Hanseatic League, now known as Gdańsk, Poland.  Her parents had been married in Amsterdam in 1633, then moved to Hamburg and again to Danzig by 1636. Her education included languages (including at some point Latin, the international language of science of the day) and natural sciences. Elisabeth was fascinated with astronomy from the time she was a child. The year she was born, local politician, brewer and astronomer Johannes Hevelius (1611-1687) published his beautifully and elaborately illustrated Selanographia, about the moon, the first geographical book about a body other than the Earth. By 1650 he already had an international reputation, a complex of three houses and 200 square metre observatory equipped with several large telescopes, the largest observatory in Europe. The young Elisabeth approached him and he promised he would show her the splendour of the night sky when she was older. In 1662, his first wife Katharina Rebeschke died. Elisabeth had become ever more fascinated by astronomy and had realized that Johannes was in fact a renown astronomer, and her admiration of him grew. She reminded the elder astronomer of his promise. Despite their age difference, based largely on their mutual love of astronomy, the two decided they could be happy together and wed when Elisabeth was 16 and he was 52, in 1663. Such an age gap would not have shocked their contemporaries, and for a young woman like Elisabeth, barred from university education, marriage would have been the only means for her to pursue astronomy. Elisabeth had to run the complicated Hevelius household and she both assisted Johannes and pursued her own astronomical interests. They had four children; a son, who died in infancy and three surviving daughters. 

Detail of Johannes and Elisabeth Hevelius observing the sky with a brass octant (1673).

While awaiting the arrival a new assistant, Elisabeth aided her husband in his observations; she excelled at the job and loved observing. In 1663, France awarded him a pension for his astronomical work, and Johannes began corresponding with Henry Oldenburg, secretary of the Royal Society in London. Elisabeth became his partner in observation from 1664 onwards. That year, Johannes was inducted as the first foreign member of the Royal Society of London. Also that year their son John Adeodatus was born but he died a year later. Their daughters Catherine Elisabeth, Julia Renata and Flora Constance were born in 1666, 1668 and 1672, respectively.  In 1668, Johannes published their work in Cometographia, listing comets and sunspots. Showing herself to be competent in the use of the large sextants and quadrants, when Johannes published his Machina coelestis in 1673 he included two engravings showing Elisabeth using the octant and sextant with him respectively. These are the first printed images of a woman astronomer at work. They employed advanced astronomical instruments such as brass quadrants, sextants and octants (named for the amount of a circle they encompassed) and their observatory was a hub of innovation. The large sextants and octants required two people to operate. Each were equipped with an alidade, a sort of ruler to fix on the distant object being observed, and then its position could be read off. Johannes had invented his own precise alidade with cylinder to fix an objects position. With her knowledge of language, Elisabeth corresponded and struck up friendships with other astronomers. The French physicist and astronomer François Arago recounted that that she was both making useful observations and preforming calculations. In 1677 they were visited by King Jan III Sobieski, who gave them a stipend. Despite owning telescopes with which he had for instance, carefully observed the surface of the moon, Johannes was a hold-out where it came to making observations of stellar positions with telescopes, first employed for astronomy by Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) in 1609.  Johannes feared that telescopic observations might introduce distortions in locations. He is considered the last great astronomer to make observations with the unaided eye. 

This unusual attitude towards telescopes lead Johannes into controversy. In England, at the Royal Society, Robert Hooke accused him of making inaccurate observations and sent fellow astronomer Edmond Halley to visit Danzig, from May 26, to July 18, 1679. While Hooke was right about the utility of using telescopes, Halley was very impressed with the precision of Johannes and Elisabeth's naked-eye observations. Though privately he doubted naked-eye observations were the way to go, he confessed that in his controlled test, he could not determine which observations were more accurate. Six separate observers, including Johannes, Elisabeth and Halley with his with a 2-foot quadrant with telescopic sights made the same observations and Halley compared the data. Hooke was quite rude about the entire debacle, and Hevelius responded in kind. Other astronomers, like John Wallis, defended Hevelius because they were annoyed with Hooke. None of the members of the Royal Society involved in the bitter dispute came away with their reputations unbesmirched, with the exception of Halley, who had more diplomatic sense than the rest of them. That summer, they published Machina coelestis par posterior 'Astronomical instruments, second part' including a biography of Johannes, description of their instruments and 1,564-star catalogue of stars based on their observations.  

Then September 26, 1679 they suffered a devastating fire which destroyed their home, their observatory, their instruments, their library and printing press. Luckily, as Johannes wrote, before the fire he was feeling uneasy and "To lift my spirits, I persuaded my young wife, the faithful assistant for my nightly observations, to spend the night in our country retreat outside the walls of the city..." so they were unharmed. People present, including their 13 year old daughter Catherine Elisabeth managed to save several books including Kepler's works (purchased from his son), his new and improved celestial globe, thirteen volumes of his correspondence with scientists and royalty and the most importantly, the star catalogue by breaking into the burning house and throwing them out the windows! Luckily, dozens of copies of Machina coelestis which had already been sent out were not destroyed, but they lost everything else. Elisabeth had asked Halley to buy her a silk dress in London, in exchange for three of Johannes' books, and he wrote how when choosing the fabric he was uncertain if she would be in mourning because, having heard about the fire, astronomers in England feared Johannes had perished. Both King Jan III Sobieski and King Louis XIV of France sent them thousands of thalers to help them rebuild, and Sobieski granted him a yearly stipend of 1,000 Danzig gulden for the remainder of his life,  but it was nowhere near the estimated value of what they lost, which was over thirty thousand thalers. Undetered, they rebuilt their observatory by August 1781 and resumed work on their star catalogue, incorporating 341 stars only visible in the southern hemisphere, reported to them by their friend Edmond Halley. Elisabeth did much of the mathematical calculations and editing of the text. 

Johannes and Elisabeth Hevelius observing the sky with a brass octant (1673), Engraving from Johannes Hevelius' Machine Colestis: Pars Prior fig. O, facing p. 254. 

In 1685, Johannes published Annus climacterius 'Climactic Year' documenting their most recent observations and retelling the tale of the 1679 fire. Swiss mathematician and astronomer, Johann III Bernouilli wrote that Elisabeth contracted smallpox and was badly marked by it. Though Johannes had never contracted the disease he nursed her and never left her sick-bed. They began working on what would be Johannes' final publication. He died on his 76th birthday in 1687. After his death, she secured funding, took over the completion and publication of the Prodomus Astronomicae, 'The Elements of Astronomy". In 1690 she published the Prodomus Astronomicae, documenting two decades of observations, in three parts: the Prodomus was a preface with unpublished observations, which Elisabeth completed as well as writing and signing the dedication to the king as "Elisabeth, widow of Hevelius";  Catalogus Stellar Fixarum 'Catalogue of the Fixed Stars' (dated 1687) was a star catalogue including the positions and relevant data for 1,888 stars; and Firmamentum Sobiescianum sive Uranographia 'Sobieksi's Heavens, or a Map of the Heavens' (dated 1687) was a 56 sheet atlas of constellations for both northern and southern hemispheres from the catalogue complete with seven new constellations he delineated which are still in use (Canes Venatici, Lecerta, Leo Minor, Lynx, Scutum, Sextans, and Vulpecula) plus three which are now obsolete (Cerebus, Mons Maenads, and Triangulum Minus). Hevelius named one of these constellations for the king (Scutum Sobiescianum, or 'Shield of Sobieski' shortened now to Scutum) and one for his precious sextant, as well as several animals. It represented a significant advancement in astronomical observations and knowledge, containing both more stars and more accurate positions than Johan Bayer's Uranometria (based on Tycho Brahe's measurements). Elisabeth had not only ushered the book through publication, she participated in observations and calculations in a meticulous and systematic way. She died three years later, December 22, 1693 at 46 and was buried in the same tomb as her late husband. Arago wrote, "A complimentary remark was always made about Madame Hevelius, who was the first woman, to my knowledge, who was not frighted to face the fatigue of making astronomical observations and calculations." Arago was unaware of how Sophia Brahe (1556 or 1559-1643) had aided her brother Tycho, or of their near-contemporary Maria Cunitz (1610-1664), who was rather isolated from the astronomical community, so we should say that Elisabeth was amongst the first but not the earliest woman bravely facing late night observing and astronomical calculations. But her correspondence and friendships with fellow astronomers, as well as her collaboration with her husband, appearance in his books and her publication of the Prodomus, means that she and her accomplishments were recognized and remembered. A minor planet discovered at the Palomar Observatory in 1960 was named 12625 Koopman and a crater on Venus is named Corpman, a variant on the spelling of her maiden name, were named in her honour.

References

Ashworth, William B. Scientist of the Day - Elisabeth Hevelius. Linda Hall Library, University of Missouri-Kansas City. December 22, 2017.

Elisabeth Hevelius, Wikipedia, accessed February, 2026.

Jardine, Lisa. The Curious Life of Robert Hooke - The Man Who Measured London. Harper Collins. New York. 2003.

Masters, Karen. The Astronomers' Library. Ivy Press. London. 2024. 

Lutz, R.C. Elisabeth Hevelius, EBSCO Knowledge Advantage, 2022.

O'Connor, J.J. and E.F. Robertson. Elisabetha Koopman (1647-1493) - Biography. MacTutor. School of Mathematics and Statistics, St Andrews University. December, 2008.

O'Connor, J.J. and E.F. Robertson. Johannes Hevelius (1611-1687) - Biography. MacTutor. School of Mathematics and Statistics, St Andrews University. December, 2008.

Popova, Maria. Ordering the Heavens: Hevelius's Revolutionary 17th-Century Star-Catalog and the First Moon Map. The Marginalian. 2014.

Microbiologist Esther Lederberg, Printmaking to Replica Plating, the Lambda Phage and Bacterial Fertility Factor F

Esther Lederberg, linocut print, 11" x 14" by Ele Willoughby, 2026

The 8th #PrinterSolstice2526 prompt is two, so I thought of duplicates. This reminded me of trailblazing microbiologist Esther Miriam Zimmer Lederberg (1922-2006) whose pioneering contributions to bacterial genetics include such fundamentals as the first successful implementation of replica plating (with her first husband, Nobel laureate Joshua Lederberg) which allows microbiologists to reproduce a pattern of microbes on different Petri dishes and, for instance, compare their response to various things put in each plate. Reading about how they would press a velveteen-covered disk onto the primary plate with microorganisms and then imprinting the secondary plate (or plates) with the same distribution of microbes, I recognized this as printmaking, so I was delighted to read that her biographer believes she was inspired by having worked in her father's print shop as an adolescent. She also discovered the lambda phage and the bacterial fertility factor F. While she and Joshua both were awarded the Pasteur Medal from the Society of Illinois Bacteriologists, Esther's contributions, including work she did on her own, were often misattributed to Joshua, and she was not included in his Nobel win, nor was she even ever offered a tenured position. In life, she cared more about the science than her reputation, but today microbiologists are working to make sure she gets more of the recognition she always deserved.

Microbiologist Esther Lederberg (née Zimmer, 1922-2007) made discoveries fundamental to modern understanding of bacterial gene regulation, recombination and exchange, but her work was both overshadowed by, and sometimes misattributed to her male collaborators. 

Esther and her younger brother Benjamin were children of Orthodox Jewish Romanian immigrant, David and Pauline Geller Zimmer, herself the daughter of Romanian immigrants, who ran a print shop in the Bronx. Money was tight. The Zimmer children grew up helping in the shop during the Great Depression. David's siblings worked in the garment industry.  Esther had a talent for language. Esther pleased her maternal grandfather by learning Hebrew, unlike her cousins, and won awards for French and Spanish at school. She graduated from Evander Childs High School when she was only 15, and won a scholarship to attend Hunter College, where she planned to study French or literature. Once there, she chose to switch to biochemistry, though teachers warned she would have trouble finding a job, as a woman. Nonetheless she found work as a research assistant working on Neurospora crassa, a red bread mold,  with plant pathologist Bernard Oglivie Dodge. By the time she was 19 in 1942 she had graduated cum laude with a BSc in genetics. 

She got a position with Alexander Hollander at the Carnegie Institution of Washington (later the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory), continuing her work on N. crassa and making her first scientific publication. She won a fellowship for Standford in 1944 to work with George Wells Beadle and Edward Tatum (who together would later go on to win the 1958 Nobel in Physiology or Medicine with her future husband Joshua Lederberg). Tatum told her would only teach her genetics if she could work out why one of the Drosophila fruit flies in a bottle had different coloured eyes; she did this so well, he made her his Teaching Assistant. After summer school at Stanford's Hopkins Marine Station with microbiologist Cornelius Van Niel, she entered the master's program, and completed her M.A. in genetics with her thesis "Mutant Strains of Neurospora Deficient in Para-Aminobenzoic Acid" in 1946. She married one of Tatum's students at Yale, Joshua Lederberg, and moved to Yale's Botanical Laboratory. Joshua completed his doctorate in 1947 and was offered an assistant professorship at the University of Wisconsin, so the couple moved to Madison, Wisconsin. Esther enrolled in the doctoral program and was awarded a fellowship by the National Cancer Institute. Joshua developed a reputation as a brilliant thinker while Esther developed a reputation as a skilled expert experimentalist and they worked well as a team. Her 1950 doctoral thesis under supervision of plant geneticist R.A. Brink was titled "Genetic control of mutability in the bacterium Escherichia coli". She had already made some foundational discoveries of the fertility factor, but Joshua insisted she focus on completing her PhD, rather than follow up with further experimentation. 

She spent most of the 50s at the University of Wisconsin, and in 1951 she discovered the lambda bacteriophage, a virus which infects and replicates within bacteria, and she published a detailed description in Genetics in 1953 with Joshua as the second author. He had asked her to wait before publishing because he felt it was not the top priority for the lab at that time. When Joshua won the 1953 Eli Lilly Award he told a reporter that Esther should have be recognized too. The lambda phage became a foundational discovery in molecular genetics, invaluable for understanding gene regulation and recombination. She incubated a mix of a parent E. coli K12 strain and a mutant E. coli K12 strain made with UV light and saw plaques, which indicated the presence of a bacteriophage. This type of virus would have been killed by UV light, so it must have come from the parent strain. She called this the lambda phage and found it had two lifestyles: either the typical, well-known phage lifestyle, the lytic cycle, where it rapidly made copies of itself inside the E.coli before bursting out (called lysis) or alternatively existing quietly as just another genetic marker within E. coli, without killing the cell.  With her husband, she found that the quiescent form genetically mapped near the genes in the E. coli which metabolize lactose sugar (gal). The Lederbergs proposed that the lambda's genetic material integrates into the E. coli chromosome next to the gal genes, which let it replicate as a prophage along with the host bacteria's own DNA (a process called lysogeny). This was the first time this 2-part cycle had ever  been described and today, the lambda phage is a key model for understanding other viruses (such as herpes simplex virus) which exhibit these split lytic-lysogenic lifecycles. To leave the host, the prophage needs to excise itself from the bacterial DNA and sometimes when this occurs the phage DNA is accompanied by some adjacent host DNA which the phage can then introduce into a new host; this is called specialized transduction.  Esther presented her lambda studies, including  λ lysogeny and specialized transduction in Canberra, at the Symposium of Bacterial and Viral Genetics in 1957, and her results on where it integrates, the fine-structure mapping of the gal locus in Montreal in 1958 at the 10th International Congress of Genetics.

While studying where the lambda prophage, she crossed bacteria with the prophage with strains without the prophage but will known genetic markers. She found that some crosses failed to form recombinants. She suspected something, a fertility factor, must be missing, writing that during her studies, "one day, ZERO recombinants were recovered... I explored the notion that there was some sort of 'fertility factor' which if absent, resulted in no recombinants. For short, I names this F." She published with Luigi Cavalli-Sforza and Joshua. She was right and others' later research showed that F was a DNA sequence with genes which allow a bacterium to donate DNA to a recipient bacterium by direct contact or conjugation. This DNA sequence can be either an independent plasmid or integrated into the cell's chromosome. Likely because of the delay between her discovery of the fertility factor F and her follow-up experiments and publications, this work is often unfairly primarily attributed to Joshua in textbooks. 

Microbiologists had been struggling to make identical geometrical configurations of microbes on multiple plates and tried using everything from toothpicks, paper, wire brushes and multi-pronged inoculators, until Esther and Joshua successfully implemented their simple solution to replica plating. Their process, pressing a plate of bacterial colonies onto sterile velvet and stamping them onto secondary plates of media with different ingredients to suit the traits needed for study (for instance, containing various antibiotics), mimics how a press works, like in Esther's father's shop! The first time she tried out the idea, she was inspired by her own powder puff, the velveteen pad in her makeup compact. It was, after all, designed to transfer powdered makeup to a person's face; maybe it could transfer configurations of microbes from plate to plate, so she tried it. Esther, whose family were garment workers, was the one familiar with textiles and she used this knowledge to source the best fabric for the job. Nonetheless, this method has also often been inaccurately credited to Joshua only. Since they could reliably replicate their plates, they were able to show, as previously demonstrated by Luria and Delbrück, that bacteriophage- and and antibiotic-resistant mutants spontaneously arose even in the absence of phages or antibiotics. These mutations were not occurring in response to their environment, as held by Lamarckism. Luria and Delbrück's work relied on mathematical arguments and had not gained traction but the simplicity of the Lederbergs' methods finally convinced their colleagues. Their method for replica plating remains a staple of microbiological laboratory work today.

In 1956, both Lederbergs jointly won the Pasteur Award for their contributions to science.  In 1958, Joshua Lederberg shared the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine for discovering bacterial conjugation, with Edward Tatum and George Beadle for their work with genetics. Joshua had discovered that bacteria do not only make identical copies of themselves; they sometimes reproduce by mixing genetic material, as occurs in sexual reproduction, to make something new. Esther, whose work, like discovering the fertility factor with allows this genetic mixing to occur, was essential to, or made in collaboration with Joshua's research, was not included in his win. Attending the formal ceremony in Stockholm, by his side, in her gown, only playing the role of scientist's spouse, must have been bittersweet. Esther became perceived as merely his research assistant. Joshua thanked her simply for her "companionship" in his acceptance speech. Castelli-Sforza wrote, "Dr. Esther Lederberg has enjoyed the privilege of working with a very famous husband. This has been at times also a setback, because inevitably she has not been credited with as much of the credit as she really deserved. I know that very few people, if any, have had the benefit of as valuable a co-worker as Joshua has had."

In 1959 Esther and Joshua returned to Stanford, where Joshua became the head of the Genetics department. Esther could not be employed in the Genetics department because of anti-nepotism rules. Esther and two other women petitioned the dean of the medical school over the lack of female faculty. Eventually she got an untenured faculty position as a research associate professor in the Department of Microbiology and Immunology, where Esther worked for the rest of her career. This meant that her job was not secure and her short-term appointment was renewed on a rolling basis, dependent on her ability to secure grants. After their divorce in 1968, Esther had to fight to retain her position. She founded and directed the Plasmid Reference Center (PRC) from 1976 to 1986, where she organized, maintained, named, and distributed plasmids of various types including those coding for antibiotic-resistances, heavy-metal-resistance, virulence, conjugation, colicins, transposons and insertion sequences. Her sequential numbering system continued until her retirement. In 1974 she was effectively demoted and forced to transition to an adjunct professor of medical microbiology. She retired from the Department of Microbiology and Immunology in 1985 but continued as a volunteer at the PRC.

While not working as a scientist, Esther was a devoted amateur musician focusing on early music, playing medieval, Renaissance and baroque music on original instruments including several different sizes of recorder. She founded the Mid-Peninsula Recorder Orchestra, which plays music dating back to the 13th century, in 1962.  A lover of the works of Charles Dickens and Jane Austen, she belonged to the Dickens Society of Palo Alto and the Jane Austen Society. Through her pursuit of early music, she met fellow enthusiast, engineer Matthew Simon newly arrived at Stanford in 1989, and they married in 1993. She died in 2006 of pneumonia and congestive heart failure at age 83. Esther always thought the science itself was more important than her reputation, but her second husband understood that her work was under-appreciated because she was a woman. Simon has worked tirelessly to make an extensive memorial website for Esther, so her story and role in the development of microbial genetics is not forgotten. The wealth of biographical information and documents there from her career has helped her biographers and microbiologists working to tell a more complete and accurate story of the development of their field.

References

Esther Lederberg, Wikipedia, accessed February, 2026.

Barron, Madeline. Esther Lederberg and the Rise of Microbial Genetics. American Society for Microbiology. October 4, 2023. 

Joshua Lederberg, Wikipedia, accessed February, 2026.

Lederberg, J and E.M. Lederberg. Replica plating and indirect selection of bacterial mutants. J Bacteriol. 1952 Mar;63(3):399-406. doi: 10.1128/jb.63.3.399-406.1952. PMID: 14927572; PMCID: PMC169282.

Simon, Matthew. Esther M. Zimmer Lederberg Memorial Website. Accessed February, 2026

Steinmetz, Katy. Esther Lederberg and Her Husband Were Both Trailblazing Scientists. Why Have More People Heard of Him? Time Magazine. April 11, 2019.

"Women in Microbiology -Esther Lederberg" Live session from ASM Microbe 2017 hosted by Hazel Barton with guest Mark O. Martin interviewed by Rebecca V. Ferrell.

Zeldovich, Linda, Esther Lederberg changed our understanding of how bacteria breed. Popular Science, May 23, 2022.

Marie Meudrac, where the transition from alchemy to chemistry meets medicine, cooking and cosmetics: chemistry by a woman for women

Marie Meurdrac, linocut, 9.25" x 12.5" by Ele Willoughby, 2025

This is my hand-printed linocut portrait of Marie Meurdrac (c. 1610-1680), one of the first chemistry textbook authors and the first woman to publish a book on early chemistry. Working right at the transition between alchemy and chemistry, in 1666 she published 'La Chymie charitable & facile, en faveur des dames' (Charitable and easy chemistry for ladies). I selected her for the #printerSolstice2425 prompt sodium, as for her, salt, "the father of generation" was the first of the 3 elements, salt, sulphur and mercury, from which all materials were made. 

We do not know a great deal about her life for certain. Born to a land-owning family, in Mandres-les-Roses, now a suburb of Paris, to Vincent Meurdrac or Meurdrat, a notary, and Elisabeth Dove.  Her younger sister Catherine, became the author and memoirist with the nom de plume Madame de la Guette.  She married a military man. Her sister recorded his name as Monsieur de Vibrac, captain du château de Grosbois, where she moved after her marriage. He was commander of Charles de Valois, Duke of Angoulême (illegitimate son of Charles IX of France)'s guard unit. However the Abbot Sanson recorded that she married Guillaume de Brisset; but this discrepancy might be explained if Guillaume de Brisset succeeded his father Monsieur de Vibrac to both the fiefdom of Vibrac and the captaincy.  In any account, living there, she became good friends with Countess de Guiche. She taught herself chemistry following the works and experiments of her contemporaries and reading books on chemistry and alchemy. She had her own lab where she tested all her remedies and recipes. She dared to write a handbook of practical chemistry, which helped popularize the subject throughout Europe, at a time when the very idea of scholarly women was ridiculed in France. The  woman question ("la querelle des femmes")- or rather the question of whether women should be educated at all was widely debated. The book is dedicated to the countess; Meurdrac had access to a high temperature furnace which required permission of the king which she might have got thanks to the countess. 

Chemistry had long been practiced by women in cooking in the kitchen, in making household remedies and cosmetics, but as sciences became formalized it became a man's world. Meurdrac had been keeping notes of all her experiments so as not to forget her results when she realized she had enough for a book as complete or more so than other available chemistry handbooks. The word “chymie” comes from 16th century Swiss doctor Paracelsus, and following in his tradition, she believed that matter is made of various quantities of 3 elements: salt, mercury, and sulphur, but unlike previous alchemist authors (including those she cites like Raymond Lull and Basil Valentine) her writing is clear and unpretentious rather than obscure. She wants to expose what alchemists would keep a secret for the select few. She omits the astrological conditions so come in alchemical recipes. 

The Preface from Marie Meurdrac's  'La Chymie charitable & facile, en faveur des dames' complete with her argument "les Esprits n'ont point de sexe"

She wrote about her uncertainty in daring to publish as a woman, concerned that it might be above her station and knowing that men scorn the products of women's minds but concludes that but minds "have no sex and that if the minds of women were cultivated like those of men, and that if as much time and energy were used to instruct the minds of the former, they would equal those of the latter.” Her words, "les Esprits n'ont point de sexe" appear in my print, as in her book. Knowing that bourgeois or even aristocratic women were denied formal scientific education in universities, she wanted to provide accessible chemistry, botany, pharmacology, medicine, as well as in cosmetics knowledge and hands-on training to women. As women could not legally practice medicine, providing free healing services and lessons was a sort of loophole for her, hence the word "charitable" in her title.  She covered items such as lab techniques, properties of medicines, and cosmetics. She also had a table of weights and 106 alchemical symbols that were used in medicine at the time. The jars behind are marked with these symbols. She presents ingredients as "principles" rather than materials, in the manor of the alchemists and describes methods used both by alchemists and early chemists such as distillation, sublimation, rectification, calcination, cohobation and so forth, with specific vessels and fires to be used. She includes recipes which could be found in contemporary chemistry texts such as for Flowers of Bezoin, or Salt of Saturn. Following Paracelsus she writes about plants in medicine, as they believed them superior to other matter, created prior to animals according to Genesis and having survived the great flood. She was wary of using metals in medicine, viewing such treatment as more aggressive. She brought her knowledge to a wide audience, empowering women to make their own remedies and cosmetics safely, for instance, correctly warning of the dangers of using poisonous mercury sublimate to whiten skin as was done at the time. 

She is surrounded with books, tools, supplies and plants she would have used including scales, glassware, tongs, and a furnace, inspired by the frontispiece in one of the several editions of her book. The plants are rosemary, which she describes as a universal antidote to all sorts of illnesses, and tansy, used to facilitate childbirth. The book was popular for more than 50 years, with five editions in France, six in Germany, and one in Italy. She encouraged her readers to follow her lead and use their skills to freely treat the poor. Recognizing the cost of materials and tools she offers her readers some more accessible alternative suggestions and offers advice on finding the more rare ingredients. She even offers to answer readers' questions or even make demonstrations in person. Writing about chemistry for women, when it was claimed by men for men, was transgressive, and she defends her ability to do so with her strong feminist argument. She made hands-on training in chemistry, botany, pharmacology, and medicine, as well as in cosmetics accessible to generations of women. 

References

Bulletin du bibliophile, Volume 24, Techner, 1859. pp. 252-253

Fiendstein, Sandy. Experience, Authority and Alchemy of Language: Margaret Cavendish and Marie Meurdrac Respond to the Art. Early Modern Women, Volume 15, Number 2, Spring 2021, pp. 133-142 (Article) Published by Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/emw.2021.0028

Fiendstein, Sandy. La Chymie for Women: Engaging Chemistry's Bodies. Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal, vol 4, 2009, pp. 223-234.

Findlay, Sam. 'Mind has no sex': The story of Marie Meurdrac, First Lady of Chemistry, ARC Centre of Excellence for Electromaterials Science, March 10, 2015.

Gordon, Robin L. 2015. Marie Meurdrac. Women Alchemists: Stories and  Reflections on their Place in History, Psyche and Science. accessed, February, 2025

Marie Meudrac - La chymie pour les femmes, YouTube video by Sur les épaules des géantes, February 3, 2021

Marie Meudrac, Wikipedia, accessed February 2025 (both English and French versions)

Meurdrac, Marie.  La chymie charitable & facile, en faveur des dames : 1666, Paris, CNRS, 1999 octobre 1999(réimpr. présentée et annotée par Jean Jacques) (1^re éd. 1666), 249 p. (ISBN 2-271-05726-4).

Rayner-Canham, Marelene F.; Rayner-Canham, Marelene; Rayner-Canham, Geoffrey (2001). Women in Chemistry: Their Changing Roles from Alchemical Times to the Mid-twentieth Century. Chemical Heritage Foundation. pp. 4–5. ISBN 9780941901277.

Claudine Picardet: chemist, mineralogist, and scientific translator at the chemical revolution

Claudine Picardet, linocut print, 9.25" x 12.5" by Ele Willoughby, 2025

For the PrinterSolstice prompt oxygen I made a portrait of a woman who was right there in the thick of things when the element oxygen was becoming understood. This is my hand-printed linocut portrait of Claudine Picardet (née Poullet, later Guyton de Morveau, 1735-1820). She was at the centre of things, making experiments in chemistry, mineralogy, recording meteorologic data and perhaps most importantly, translating the latest science from Swedish, English, German, Italian and possibly Latin to French in the height of the chemical revolution.

Claudine Poullet was the eldest daughter of a royal notary, François Poulet de Champlevey, and she married barrister and member of the Académie royale des sciences, arts, et belles-lettres de Dijon, Claude Picardet in 1755. His membership in the Académie was Claudine’s entry into the high society scientific bourgeoisie. She attended lectures and demonstrations and became involved as a scientist, translator and host of her own salon. When she began her career she signed her translations and annotated textbooks as "Mme P*** de Dijon.” The couple had a son died at 19 in 1776. Her husband died in 1796, and she moved to Paris where she married her longtime scientific collaborator and friend Louis-Bernard Guyton de Morveau, deputy of the Council of five hundred and director and chemistry professor at the École Polytechnic. She continued her work and hosting scientific salons in Paris, where she was known as the Baroness Guyton-Morveau during Napoleon’s reign. 

Her extensive translation work was part of the Bureau de traduction de Dijon headed by Guyton de Morveau, which required her to maintain extensive contacts abroad, be conversant with the latest science, be polylingual and even to perform laboratory experiments and examinations of mineralogical specimens to confirm the results in texts she translated. She produced books, papers and manuscripts circulated amongst French scientists. The other half dozen members were all male academics; none were as prolific, or translated from as many languages nor published in the Annales de Chimie, like her. Established by Guyton de Morveau, Antoine Lavoisier, Claude Louis Berthollet in 1789, the Annales de Chimie paid translators as authors. She appears to eventually directed the team of translators. Claude-Nicolas Amanton wrote a misogynistic obituary crediting her work to her second husband, but this is contradicted by the evidence. She also was a prominent contributor, including works like her translation of John Hill’s Spatogenesia: the Origin and Nature of Spar; its Qualities and Uses (1772) to Jean-André Mongez’s Journal de physique.

She published the first translated volume of the chemical essays of Swedish chemist Carl Wilhelm Scheele, who was one of the discoverers of oxygen, from Swedish and German into French, collected as Mémoires de chymie de M. C. W. Scheele; She was the person who brought Scheele’s work to oxygen to the attention of scientists in France. She translated Abraham Gottlob Werner’s 1774 mineralogy textbook into French, expanding and annotating the original to the degree that her Traité des caractères extérieurs des fossiles, traduit de l'allemand de M. A. G. Werner, 1790 is considered a new edition of the book. She likely contributed substantially tho the translation of Torbern Olaf Bergman’s six-volume Opuscula physica et chemica (Latin, 1779–1790), usually attributed to Guyton de Morveau. She also translated Richard Kirwan’s papers and may have contributed to Marie-Anne Paulze Lavoisier’s 1787 translation of his Essay on Phlogiston. Along with all the works in chemistry and mineralogy, she translated some meteorology and astronomy like "Observationes astron. annis 1781, 82, 83 institutæ in observatorio regio Havniensi" (1784), reporting the astronomical observations of the longitude of the Mars knot, made in December 1783 by Thomas Bugge. She attended Guyton de Morveau’s chemistry lectures and studied the mineral collection of the Dijon Academy. She even invented some French scientific terms to capture Werner’s neologisms. 

From 1786 to 1787, Guyton de Morveau, Antoine Lavoisier, Claude-Louis Bethollet and Antoine-François Fourcroy met almost daily while they worked to modernize chemical nomenclature, creating the definitive names still used in inorganic chemistry today and writing “Méthode de nomenclature chimique.” This included rules like simple substances should have simple names like hydrogen and oxygen and compounds should have compound names designating their parts, like sodium chloride. A 19th century painting of the authors notably includes both Claudine Picardet, holding a book to indicate her roll as translator and Mme Lavoisier. They were integrated in this work and deserve to be remembered for their roles.

Together with her second husband, Claudine Picardet established Dijon internationally as a scientific centre. Her translation work occurred at a vital moment in the chemical revolution, and she was recognized for the importance of her work during her day; we should remember her today.

References

Antonelli, Francesca. Madame Lavoisier and the Others: Women in Marie-Anne Paulze-Lavoisier’s Network (1771-1836). Notes Rec. (2023) 77, 283–302 doi:10.1098/rsnr.2021.0074 Published online 13 July 2022 

Ashworth Jr., William B., Scientist of the Day - Claudine Picardet, Linda Hall Library, August 7, 2018

Claudine Picardet, Wikipedia, accessed January, 2025

Kahr, Bart. Gender and the Library of Mineralogy. Crystals 2022, 12(3), 333; https://doi.org/10.3390/cryst12030333

La femme savante de Dijon - Claudine Picardet - Mini bio 42, posted by Sur les épaules de géantes, YouTube video, watched January, 2025